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ABSTRACT

This paper identifies the key design elements of a successful water conservation campaign. These elements pertain both to the content of conservation messages and to the effective means of delivering these messages to water users. Previous research was reviewed in order to identify the important pro-conservation attitudes, socioeconomic incentives, and effective models of persuasion and communication. The 1988 drought campaign conducted by the Metropolitan Water District of Southern California is recounted to illustrate the development of a persuasive communication of the need to conserve water and its success in influencing the consumers’ knowledge, attitudes and behavior.

INTRODUCTION

Public information campaigns continue to be the most popular means of encouraging urban water users to adopt water conservation behaviors during drought. Primary objectives of such campaigns include: (l) persuading the consumers that they should conserve water, and (2) providing them with information on how to do so. Changing behaviors associated with high water use and encouraging the use of water-saving devices often are seen as the effective means for achieving reduction in water use [Dziegielewski et al., 1983]. Although the technological devices usually are readily accepted by consumers, the savings in water resulting from their use are small compared to those that can be achieved by behavioral changes, especially under drought emergency conditions. Restrictions on selected uses of water and water rationing plans were reported to reduce water use by up to 65 percent [Hoffman et al., 1979]. Considering the strong influence of psychological factors on water-using behavior, it is of utmost importance to incorporate the findings of social and behavioral research while designing water conservation campaigns. This paper identifies the important elements of a successful conservation campaign. These elements pertain both to the content of conservation messages and the effective means of delivering these messages to water users. A more complete elaboration of this study is given in Dziegielewski et al. [1988] and Opitz and Dziegielewski [1989], respectively.

PRO-CONSERVATION ATTITUDES

The attitude model of conservation behavior assumes that attitudes affect behavior so that conservation behavior will automatically follow from favorable attitudes, or beliefs, toward conservation. Although several studies demonstrated that the relationship between attitudes and subsequent action is often vague, knowledge of attitudes that are believed to affect conservation behavior may offer some guidance in designing water conservation campaigns. Watkins [1972], Bruvold [1978, 1979] and Berk et al. [1981] have identified several such attitudes, which are described below.

First, consumer attitude surveys conducted during and after major drought episodes have demonstrated that belief in the seriousness of water shortage in the community is a necessary condition for persuading consumers to conserve. This attitude-behavior relationship was found by White [1966] and Bruvold [1978]. Second, consumers are more likely to engage in conservation if they know how much water they can save by doing so, and if they are convinced of the importance of their personal efforts in lessening the impacts of drought. To increase the efficacy factor, it would be necessary to provide informational feedback on both individual and community-wide water savings during drought. Third, conservation campaigns are likely to be more effective if the conservation measures (whether voluntary or mandatory) are perceived as being equitable, i.e., that all members of the community are required to conserve and make sincere efforts to do so. Mandatory measures, if enforced, are often seen as being more equitable. Bruvold [1978] suggested that rationing techniques in conservation plans should be based on the number of persons living in a household and not on last year’s use, average annual use, lot size, or ability to pay, indicating that rationing programs based on per capita use are perceived as being more fair. Fourth, studies in social psychology demonstrate that educating and informing consumers about the undesirable long-term consequences of self-serving choices will be effective in fostering strong group-oriented behavior and attitudes. Thus, water conservation campaigns should consider ways to strengthen group identity and to educate consumers regarding the undesirable impacts on group welfare of self-interested behavior. Fifth, perceived effort and inconvenience have also been linked with conservation behavior. The proposed conservation measures should require a minimum cost (or sacrifice) for the consumer. These five general attitudes can be stated simply in terms of the following message to the individual consumer:

You need to conserve water now. Your actions will make a difference. Everybody is asked to conserve. By conserving you will help your community to get through the crisis. Water conservation is easy.

However, this message does not exhaust all motivations for stimulating water conservation during drought. Others may relate to one’s environmental ideology of man as part of nature vs. man as one who acts upon nature, or to one’s perception of the role of government in mediating the impacts of water shortages [Sims et al., 1982].

PRO-CONSERVATION INCENTIVES

While pro-conservation attitudes undoubtedly influence water conservation behaviors, such behaviors may also be encouraged by incentives that are unrelated to pro-conservation attitudes. The nature of such incentives may be either economic or social. Economic theory and research suggest that consumers tend to respond to economic incentives by assuming behaviors which maximize their economic self-interest. There is a substantial body of literature suggesting that consumers respond to changes in the price of water [Boland et al., 1984] and that fines may be a strong deterrent of wasteful practices in water use. Typically, the economic incentives for motivating consumers to conserve water include: (l) reforming water rates or introducing surcharges to penalize high usage of water, and (2) establishing fines for exceeding allotted amounts of water or for violating bans on nonessential uses such as watering of lawns or car washing. Social incentives also can be quite powerful in motivating and reinforcing conservation behavior. Cook and Berrenberg [1981] distinguish three types of social incentives: (l) social recognition and approval, (2) public commitment, and (3) involvement in group decisions.

PERSUASIVE COMMUNICATION FOR WATER CONSERVATION CAMPAIGNS

The knowledge of factors which motivate consumers to conserve water during drought represents only a part of a successful public information campaign. It gives only the necessary contents of the information to be provided to the consumers or suggests what kinds of programs should be promoted. It does not indicate how information should be communicated in terms of form and proper method of dissemination. For a successful conservation campaign, what is said and how it is said are both very important. Recent research suggests that for the adoption of energy-conserving technologies, the most effective method of persuasive communication is interpersonal communication [Darley and Beninger, 1981].

There are several important requirements in designing maximally effective messages for fostering water conservation behaviors. First, the message should be vivid, that is, lively, sharp, and intense. Research in marketing research has shown that consumers assign disproportionate weight to information that is very vivid. Second, the message should be delivered by a person. Information received from another person, especially a respected friend or a colleague, is likely to have a greater impact on the decision making of the person receiving the message than impersonal information summaries. Third, consumers will react to a message only if it is perceived as emanating from a credible source. Research shows that the credibility of the source greatly influences the effectiveness of the message. Finally, the conservation message should be clear, specific and concise, and most importantly, it should clearly apply to the person receiving it. The more personal the information, the higher the likelihood that it will be understood and assimilated by its receiver.

DROUGHT INFORMATION CAMPAIGN
IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA

In response to the recent drought affecting most of California, the Metropolitan Water District (MWD) and some of its member agencies implemented a multimedia water conservation campaign. The campaign was designed to inform the public about the drought and the potential water supply problems and to encourage specific water conservation behaviors. The media campaign, which included television, radio, print media, direct mail and bill inserts, was conducted from the middle of June 1988 through September 1988. The cost of MWD’s paid advertising was $1.3 million. Table 1 provides an example of the application of principles of persuasive communication to the content and form of campaign messages. More examples can be found in Opitz and Dziegielewski [1989].

A survey research program was undertaken in order to determine the impact of the drought information campaign on the water users’ knowledge, attitudes and behaviors related to water conservation [Opitz and Dziegielewski, 1989]. Two telephone surveys were carried out, one before and one after the campaign. A sample of 875 respondents was obtained before the campaign and 2,040 respondents after the campaign.

Table 2 compares the self-reported conservation behaviors, attitudes and perceptions of survey respondents before and after the media campaign. The results indicate that the campaign messages had a significant impact on the consumers’ water conservation behaviors. About 72 percent of respondents reported taking some action to conserve water. This represented a 7 percent increase when compared to the pre-campaign survey. The frequency of reported conservation actions showed a significant increase for ten measures, seven of which were recommended in campaign messages. Additionally, there was a significant increase in the total number of actions reported.

The campaign also had a significant impact in promoting pro-conservation attitudes. More respondents believed that there was a drought and that water agencies did not exaggerate the need to conserve water. Most respondents believed in the efficacy of conservation in alleviating the effects of drought. About 60 percent believed that they saved 5 percent or more water as a result of their conservation efforts. However, both surveys revealed the apparent lack of respondent knowledge about the number of gallons their household uses each day. About 21 percent were unable even to risk a guess. Among those who did only 13 percent were more or less correct.

The consumers’ perceptions and attitudes and self-reported conservation behaviors were compared with demographic characteristics in order to identify those elements associated with conservation behaviors. The “conservers” were more likely to be found among the owners of single family homes who believed in fairness and efficacy of voluntary conservation efforts, in the severity of drought, and in the need to conserve water. The “nonconservers” were likely to possess the characteristics associated with a high socioeconomic status, such as high level of education and high household income.

Visual elements of persuasive communication:

(a) A still picture of a drying reservoir with parched sediment is shown.

(b) The announcer is demonstrating the recommended action (i.e., modelling the desired behavior) while standing beside a washing machine.

(c) A live group shot of ten well-known weathercasters is shown.

* Transcribed video tapes were provided by the Metropolitan Water District

Source: Derived from Opitz and Dziegielewski (1989).

(a) All changes are significant at the 0.05 probability level of the chi-square statistic (except where indicated by the asterisk).

(b) Distribution of answers in the two samples is statistically different.

(c) Distribution of answers in the tow samples is not statistically different.

The overall conclusion of the survey was that the public information campaign had a significant impact on the residential water users’ knowledge, attitudes and behaviors relevant to achieving water conservation. This was demonstrated by statistically significant increases of 5 to 10 percent in pro-conservation attitudes and conservation behaviors before and after the campaign. Using an econometric model of total water demand in Southern California, the actual water savings were estimated at 90,000 acre feet (111 hm3) [Chesnut and McSpadden, 1989]. Assuming that all savings came from the residential sector, they represent a 4 percent reduction of the expected residential water use in 1988.

IMPLICATIONS FOR CONSERVATION
CAMPAIGNS

The social-behavioral research reviewed herein provides a number of guiding principles for designing an effective campaign to encourage consumers to conserve water during periods of drought. These principles, which pertain to the content of the information program, are depicted in Figure 1 and may be summarized as follows:

(l) The campaign should effectively convey a message about the seriousness of drought and its potential impacts on the community.

(2) The program should provide social reinforcement of conservation behaviors, especially at the local level. This will cultivate strong group interest and moral commitments within the community.

(3) The campaign should attempt to convince consumers that their actions aimed at conserving water will help to mitigate the drought.

(4) The requested changes in the consumer water use behaviors should be reasonable. The personal cost and inconvenience associated with these changes should be minimized by a careful selection of conservation measures to be recommended.

(5) Conservation efforts requested in the campaign should be perceived as fair. All members of the community should be asked or required to make sincere efforts to conserve.

(6) The specific strategies comprising the campaign should rely, to the extent possible, on providing feedback on conservation efforts and providing economic and social incentives for conservation.

The research findings summarized herein suggest that conservation campaigns can succeed only if the content and form of conservation messages are carefully designed and disseminated through effective communication channels. The content must clearly articulate the desirable conservation behaviors and justify the need for them. The means for delivering the messages must make maximum use of person-to-person communication through local media personalities, leaders, and citizen advisory groups. Clearly, the success of the drought media campaign in Southern California can be attributed to the content and effective communication of conservation messages. Information campaigns without these elements are likely to fail.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The research on which this paper is based was sponsored by the Metropolitan Water District of Southern California. The statistical analyses were prepared by the author in cooperation with Ms. Eva Opitz of Planning and Management Consultants, Ltd.

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